Islamophobia Report

Commission on British Muslims and Islamophobia

The Commission on British Muslims and Islamophobia was set up by the Runnymede Trust in 1996. Its first report, Islamophobia: a challenge for us all, was published in 1997 and was launched at the House of Commons by the Home Secretary, Jack Straw MP. A follow-up report, Islamophobia – issues, challenges and action, was published in June 2004.

Download the 2004 report:

http://www.insted.co.uk/islam.html

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The Islamophobia Commission published its Annual Report (2000-2001) and two important publications on how to address “Prejudice” after the events of 11 September 2001. Many Muslims feel that they are discriminated against in employment because of their religious background. In many public and private sector organisations religious people are discouraged from practising their beliefs such as wearing a headscarf, worshipping in public or taking leave during religious festivals. British domestic law needs to be changed to reflect the diverse religious nature of Britain. Currently it is unlawful to discriminate on the basis of religion in Northern Ireland but not in the rest of Britain.

The Human Rights Act and Crime Disorder Act of 1998 introduced some measure of religious protection but falls short of effective remedies to address religious discrimination comprehensively. Under the Race Relations Act 1976, as a result of case law, Jews and Sikhs are protected as ethnic groups. Muslims can only gain protection if it is can be proved that the discrimination they experience coincides with their membership of a ‘national group’. The laws against racial hatred or incitement are not actually universally applied, and this has lead to the view that some religious groups are privileged through being offered protection while others are not.

Current and Post September 11 Situation:
Islamophobic attacks on British Muslims: More than 400 attacks since 11 September, 2001 ranging from nuisance calls to fire-bombings, have been logged by a team of 300 field workers from Muslim organisations across Britain from September to November 2001. The dossier, compiled by the Islamic Human Rights Commission, shows that Britain's Muslims are living in an atmosphere of heightened hostility and mistrust, which has continued during the campaign in Afghanistan and after the recent arrests of suspected British Muslim terrorists. The commission said the number of incidents reported was more than four times as many as recorded, on average, in any 12 month.

IMAM Sajid said: "People have the perception that anyone who looks like a Muslim is a terrorist. It is important that they should distinguish between a few individuals and the majority who have nothing to do with these attacks." Much of the "Islamophobia" is expressed in the form of low-level harassment. But even physical attacks are often not being reported to the police. The rise in attacks reported by Muslim outreach workers, may not be reflected in official figures. The South Wales Chief Constable, Tony Burden, said the rise was "due to the events in America". The lives of many Muslims, especially women wearing the easily identifiable hijab –headscarf, have been transformed by fear since 11 September 2001. The terrorist attacks and response to it, have given licence to intolerance and exposed the ugly reality of prejudice and hostility against Muslims in Bri! tain called “Islamophobia”.
The pre-September 11 situation of Muslims was characterised by extreme social exclusion from mainstream activity. This has contributed towards the social isolation of some Muslims and involvement in marginal social, political and economic activity. There is also evidence of tensions between some sections of the Muslim community and law enforcement agencies. Recent Home Office research confirms increasing levels of dissatisfaction amongst Muslims (Pakistanis and Bangladeshis are used in the research) with the police. The Bradford, Burnley and Oldham public disorder in summer 2001 and the resulting law enforcement measures will exacerbate this tension.

Post September 11 we expect an increase in negative stereotyping of Muslims. This will result in discriminatory attitudes and conduct that specifically target Muslims and will translate into verbal and physical abuse, discrimination in the private and public sphere and discrimination by law enforcement agencies. It is also likely that there will be heavier policing of Muslims (and especially visible Muslims) and their communities. We welcome any legislation or policy initiative that will safeguard British Muslims against the immediate and long-term risks following September 11. The Home Secretary’s proposals announced on 15 October 2001 have concentrated on the criminal law. We welcome any legislation or policy initiative that will safeguard British Muslims against the immediate and long-term risks following September 11. However, we have grave reservations about the extension of the c! riminal law powers and discretion of law enforcement agencies at this time. The most pressing needs of British Muslims relate to their extreme social exclusion. We urge the Government to recognise the increased risk of discrimination in the post September 11 period and ensure the early introduction of comprehensive legislation against religious discrimination.

Pre-September 11: Social exclusion

The defining experience of large numbers of Muslims in Great Britain has been social exclusion, which is the involuntary exclusion of Muslims from mainstream social, political and economic institutions. More specifically, the social exclusion of Muslims is a term which captures their experience as a group who overwhelmingly suffer from a combination of linked problems (as evidenced from indicators for Pakistanis and Bangladeshis):

· High risks of being victims of crime
· Fear of crime
· Low levels of satisfaction with the police
· Low incomes
· Lower rates of employment
· Poor housing
· Low skills and education
· Bad health

The risk of being victims of crime and fear of crime is a particularly acute cause of social exclusion. Recent evidence from the 2000 British Crime Survey (BCS) confirms:

· Ethnic minorities run greater risks of crime than white people, though this largely reflects the fact that minority populations are concentrated in large cities and in particular in conurbations where the crime risks are high for everyone, regardless of ethnicity. This trend confirms previous BCS research by Percy 1998 who concluded that ethnic minorities generally, and Pakistanis and Bangladeshis in particular, were at greater risk of victimisation than white people.

· People from ethnic minorities worry more about crime than white respondents – a finding that held up even when account was taken of the sorts of area in which respondents lived, and their direct and indirect experience of crime.

· Significantly, “Asian respondents, and Pakistanis and Bangladeshis in particular, are more likely than others to say that they felt “very unsafe” at night, both in their homes and walking alone in their neighbourhood.”

· ‘Ethnicity can be a strong predictor of fear of crime even when other socio-economic and demographic variables have been taken into account; worry about crime was particularly salient among Bangladeshis and Pakistanis.’

In relation to social and economic conditions The Performance and Innovation Unit (PIU) Report on Ethnic Minorities in 2001 concluded that:

· More than half of Pakistani and Bangladeshi households live in the 10% of the most deprived wards in England.

· Around one third of Pakistani and Bangladeshi households live in unfit properties in the private sector.

· Around 30% of Pakistani and Bangladeshi households live in ‘poor neighbourhoods’

The PIU Report 2001 concluded that the position of ethnic minorities in employment relative to Whites can be broadly summarised into a typology of three clusters:

· Disadvantage confined to top jobs in large establishments: the Chinese and African-Asians Relative disadvantage: the Indians and the Caribbeans

· Severe disadvantage: the Pakistanis and the Bangladeshis (PIU Report Page 32)[i] Social exclusion are involuntary. However, extreme social exclusion can be a major contributory factor to the voluntary s! ocial isolation of certain Muslims who prefer to separate from mainstream social, political and economic activity. Social exclusion and social isolation are factors that have contributed to a breakdown in community cohesion that has resulted in the public disorder in Bradford, Burnley and Oldham in 2001. The combination of social exclusion and isolation erodes Muslim identification with national legal, public and political institutions. This can provide as a catalyst towards involvement in ‘fringe’ and ‘extremist’ political activity.

· Performance and Innovation Unit of the Cabinet Office Report on “Ethnic Minorities and Labour Market” examined the problems of securing employment. The report first time includes consideration of “religion” in its analysis. It shows that Muslims have a lot of catching to do – along with Black men and women, Pakistanis and Bangladeshi Muslims – as they are disadvantaged groups. The report considers a number of issues including housing, education and health. Statistics are presented on Bangladeshi, Pakistani and Indian Muslims, alongside Hindus, Sikhs and all other combined into one last group. The report finds that religion and cultural factors do make a difference in outcomes, but as with discr! imination, accounting for their influences is difficult. The picture for Muslims is disturbing. Muslims were least likely to be in paid work. If employed receive low pay. Muslim Women are four times more disadvantaged compared with the lowest rate of female unemployment.

· The Macpherson and Denham Reports confirmed that law enforcement agencies exercise their discretion in a way that discriminates against ethnic minorities. The most recent Home Office evidence suggests existing dissatisfaction and tension between sections of the Muslim community and the State’s law enforcement agencies. The experience of Muslims is that they are disproportionately victims of crime. They have a fear that they are not safe in their homes and in the streets. There is increasing dissatisfaction with the police. The public disorder in Bradford, Oldham and Burnley will have increased these pre-existing tensions.

· Members of the Muslim community with expertise of criminal law, human rights and civil liberties, as well as ex official appointees from relevant Muslim organisations with interest in these matters should be appointed to these bodies.

The Home Office should extend its interest in race equality to specifically cover non-ethnic religious minorities such as Muslims whose specific religious needs cannot be accommodated within the concept of ‘race’. It should extend these criteria to all its projects on race so that Muslims are specifically included in its analysis. The Home Office, in consultation with the AG, police services, the CPS and other agencies, to create a comprehensive system of reporting and recording all incidents, investigations and crimes under the new incitement legislation, should establish codes of Practice.

The Equality Unit should be given additional responsibility for overseeing policy on tackling the social exclusion of Muslims. This should include:

· Considering proposals for the early implementation of the EU Employment Directive to protect non-ethnic religious minorities, especially Muslims who are a high-risk group in the post September 11 period.

· Working with all parts of Government and across departmental boundaries to develop solutions to the social exclusion of Muslims.

The Civil Service Race Equality Network should include the representation of non-ethnic religious minorities, such as Muslims, within its work to influence and advise upon policy and practice to advance race equality within the Civil Service.

The Civil Service Reform Programme’s diversity action plan should specifically include non-ethnic religious minorities in relation to, inter alia, targets, progress, mentoring and diversity awareness.

All research and monitoring should include references and statistics for non-ethnic religious minorities such as Muslims as well as the present indicators of race and gender.

Public representations of Muslims, the media and education: Encouraging participation in public life and fair representations in the public sphere (including the media) Muslims are committed to freedom of expression and recognise the constitutional importance of a free press in a liberal democracy. We object to State involvement in regulating the media. However, it is an important and legitimate function of Government to challenge prejudice and negative stereotypes which undermine the key State interests: protecting its citizen’s from harms such as crime and discrimination; and building a cohesive multi-ethnic and multi-faith political community.

The Department of Media, Culture & Sports has an important role in developing and influencing the national public culture. It can legitimately prioritise projects that redress anti-Muslim bias in the Media by presenting a positive image of Muslims and their civilisation to non-Muslims and British Muslims.

They could also facilitate the involvement of Muslims in the forthcoming codification of voluntary codes of practice within broadcasting and the appointment of a nominee or representative of Muslims/a Muslim organisation to the Broadcasting Standards Commission which monitors, supervises and implements these voluntary codes. This would reassure the Muslim community that the Government recognises their value as a legitimate and valuable faith community.
The Department for Education & Skills supervises a range of policies to raise overall education standards that will benefit the ethnic minority population. It could be asked to specifically consider the specific needs of Muslim children. Work is underway to address the issue of diversity via the National Curriculum. Citizenship became part of the non-statutory framework for Personal, Social and Health Education in primary schools from September 2000. These projects could specifically address issues relating to anti-Muslim attitudes. From September 2002 the subject of “Citizenship” will be compulsory in State schools in the United Kingdom.